Monday, February 06, 2017
Thursday, January 19, 2017
Unleashing demons - useful for learning from past mistakes for the pro-European movement
You don’t read a political memoir for good overview - you read it for the view behind the scenes.
In that, Oliver delivers with a lot of detail about how the Cameron team handled the referendum and and quite a bit of insight on how Stronger-In functioned. However, the further he gets from what he has direct experience of the more hazy things get. We do get the story of Boris and Grove’s dithering before finally plumping for Leave. From then on Oliver and friends are only reacting to the Boris-Grove media show. We hear a little more of Theresa May who was nominally part of the remain camp. The story here is how she spent most of the time avoiding saying anything at all. The few times she does break silence she is so lukewarm as to seriously harm Remain.
Political memoirs usually serve to justify the actions of the
writer. This is no different. He tell us that Cameron had no option
but call the referendum and they ran the campaign in the possible
way. He puts a lot of good arguments but the very fact that they in
the end fall rather flat. Oliver may be an expert on stuff like this
but Remain lost. Is there really nothing he thinks now that he could
have done better?
Right at the start is the renegotiation. The concessions that
Cameron got from Europe were huge – from the point of view the
other European leaders. For someone in Britain who is dead against
immigration – not so much. It is doubtful the concessions Cameron
brought back won over more than a handful of voters. On the other
hand the very fact that Cameron claimed he needed those concessions
boosted the idea that there was a problem with Europe. Hence he
undermined his credibility for when he eventually came out in favor
of staying in. Cameron found himself backed into defending free
movement as a “price worth paying” for access the single market.
Muted were mentions of the positive benefits of free movement – the
essential role European citizens have in the health service – how
essential it is for science based industries to recruit skilled
workers Europe wide etc.
Oliver still has no doubt about the wisdom of avoiding any positive
message about Europe. Swing voters, his team concluded, didn’t
have a positive view of Europe so any positive message would fall
flat. It was too late to reverse the negative coverage European
Union had been subject to for many years in a short campaign. The
logic sounds fine (even if much of that negative coverage had come
from Oliver’s Tories) but what was left was project fear. OK,
Oliver is quite right to find it rather rich for Leave to describe
Remain as project fear. Leave fear-mongering was more extreme and
often bore little relation to reality but Leave wasn’t just a
negative campaign. Again and again, Oliver describes how remain
seems to hit home with the economic dangers of Brexit but within a
few pages that boost has dissipated. On the other hand Leave claims,
because they were part of a positive package, had a life of their
own. It wasn’t that everyone who voted leave bought into the
positive image of a go-it-alone Britain but their arguments had more
resonance for being put by people who seemed to have enthusiasm for
their alternative. And if there were any remaining doubt that
relying on a negative campaign will fail that should be gone now that
Trump has been elected US president.
Nowhere does Oliver ask to extent to Cameron’s premiership has
fueled the Brexit vote. This was especially stark on pages 299-300
when in coaching Angela Eagle for the ITV debate he veered between
telling Eagle to display some “righteous indignation on behalf of
working people” to telling her off for blaming public services
being swamped on Tory cuts. This won’t do, Oliver told Eagle, this
will make the Remain side look divided. But the very reason Labour
failed to mobilize working people for remain was that Leave succeeded
in misdirecting indignation at the results of Tory-LibDem austerity
against the EU and EU migrants. What Oliver was trying to get from
Eagle was sanitized indignation and a result during the actual debate
it was Sturgeon (who avoided Oliver’s coaching) who hit hardest.
Oliver’s account is an honest one that allows us to see his
thinking. As such it is valuable for pro-Europeans to read so that
we can understand the mistakes of the referendum so we can avoid
making them in difficult times ahead.
Saturday, December 03, 2016
Richmond Park and the pro-Europe movement
When I got up yesterday and saw the result in
Richmond Park I whooped and played Ode to Joy. I had been
pessimistic. Out canvasing for Sarah Olney I had spent some time
talking with one remain voter who thought Brexit would be a disaster
but hated Olney making the by election about Brexit - “the
referendum was so divisive”. Having had “traitor!” shouted at
me while campaigning for remain, only days after the murder of Jo
Cox, I sort of sympathized. But if many remain voters felt like that
then Zac Goldsmith was safe. But hope trumped over fatalism in
Richmond Park and Britain staying in the EU is back on the agenda.
Richmond Park was a Liberal Democrat victory but it
wasn’t just a Liberal Democrat victory. Pro-Europe activists from
across London came to help some helping the LibDems directly some
working with Vote for Europe. The Greens stood down in Olney’s
favor and even though the Labour Party put up a candidate many
members disagreed to the extent that their candidate got less votes
than members.
I’m not naive. I can see that any expression of
gratitude for all that help doesn’t suit a party determined to
claim momentum. It also makes sense for a party that hopes not just
to win in areas that voted remain but to regain lost seats in Brexit
voting areas are going quickly pivot calling the Richmond Park vote
as not a vote for Europe but against “hard Brexit”. However lets
call this out for what it is - dog whistle politics even if not as
nasty a variety as that of Zac. Clegg and Farron are saying to
remain voters ‘we are with you’ but to Brexit voters they are
saying they are in favor of an improved Brexit. Clegg on Channel
Four even talked about “sensible”. Okay, I hit replay and
listening carefully I did hear “more sensible.” Sure, playing
Russian Roulette is more sensible than blowing your brains out with a
fully loaded revolver but there is nothing sensible about Brexit. A
“soft” Brexit will be an unstable half way house in which Britain
will still be adopting EU regulations but (where as now these are
voted by British MEPs) we will have not say. The Brexiters were
dishonest in claiming the regulations that are an essential part of a
single market are undemocratic but under soft Brexit that will be
true. A soft Brexit would only be acceptable as stop gap to give us
time to persuade the British people that we need to again become a
full member of the EU.
This does not apply to Sarah Olney who has committed
herself to voting against Article 50 under all circumstances.
Interesting the former MP for neighboring Kingston and Surbiton, Ed
Davey who used to be rather bland has, since he left the Westminster
bubble, found a harder edge expressing bitter opposition to Brexit.
And it was still the right decision for pro-Europeans to back the
Lib-Dems.
They are using pro-European Activists but we are
using them. Richmond Park blows away the fatalism the feeling that
there is no way of stepping back from the chaos that May’s
Brexiters are leading us into. We need that victory.
The point is that relying on political parties alone
will not stop Brexit. We need to be active in the pro-Europe
organizations and win the argument as to why the EU maters. Then,
when the political parties see the voters have moved, they will fall
into line.
Wednesday, February 27, 2008
Bosnia, Kosovo and genocide
If Kosovo has the right to be independent why not Republika Srpska, the Bosnian entity?
First a bit of history. Republika Srpska was the creation of Dayton, the agreement that ended the Bosnian war in 1995. Its borders were computer generated. Bosnia's borders did change during the period of Ottoman rule but the area now designated as Republika Srpska was always included in those borders. Bosnia has pretty much held its current borders since 1878. The only real exception was the period of Royal dictatorship imposed in 1929.
By contrast, far from Kosovo always being Serbian, Kosovo fell under Serbian occupation only in 1912. Note – occupation. Legal sovereignty over Kosovo was granted not to Serbia but to the new Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians after the First World War. Kosovo was established in its current borders since 1945 and in 1974 became a Republic in all but name.
But the real reason the two completely different is genocide. The genocide carried out on behalf of the state of Serbia in 1999 means that it is unthinkable that Kosovo will be returned, against its will, to Serbia. Given that the overwhelming majority of the Kosovan people are not willing accept a restoration of Serbian rule, independence is the only viable option.
In Bosnia it was the Muslims who were victims of an organized campaign of genocide. It was perpetuated by the same Serb nationalists who demanded Republika Srpska. Allowing the existence of Republika Srpska was an an act of appeasement. It is unthinkable that that campaign of genocide should be rewarded by allowing the Serb entity to become independent.
kosovo
Bosnia
genocide
First a bit of history. Republika Srpska was the creation of Dayton, the agreement that ended the Bosnian war in 1995. Its borders were computer generated. Bosnia's borders did change during the period of Ottoman rule but the area now designated as Republika Srpska was always included in those borders. Bosnia has pretty much held its current borders since 1878. The only real exception was the period of Royal dictatorship imposed in 1929.
By contrast, far from Kosovo always being Serbian, Kosovo fell under Serbian occupation only in 1912. Note – occupation. Legal sovereignty over Kosovo was granted not to Serbia but to the new Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians after the First World War. Kosovo was established in its current borders since 1945 and in 1974 became a Republic in all but name.
But the real reason the two completely different is genocide. The genocide carried out on behalf of the state of Serbia in 1999 means that it is unthinkable that Kosovo will be returned, against its will, to Serbia. Given that the overwhelming majority of the Kosovan people are not willing accept a restoration of Serbian rule, independence is the only viable option.
In Bosnia it was the Muslims who were victims of an organized campaign of genocide. It was perpetuated by the same Serb nationalists who demanded Republika Srpska. Allowing the existence of Republika Srpska was an an act of appeasement. It is unthinkable that that campaign of genocide should be rewarded by allowing the Serb entity to become independent.
genocide
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